Politics

/

ArcaMax

Commentary: The high cost of California's green energy policies

Joel Kotkin, Los Angeles Times on

Published in Op Eds

Since the early 2000s, governors and legislators from both parties have signed onto a climate agenda in California that is making energy steadily unaffordable.

Gasoline in California, according to AAA, which tracks national gas prices daily, costs an average of about $4.78, compared with $3.16 nationally. The cost of electricity in the state is now the highest in the continental U.S., at 30.22 cents per kilowatt hour.

You might want to blame the discrepancies on greed — Big Oil practicing price gouging, as Gov. Gavin Newsom has suggested, and utilities lining their shareholders’ pockets. But at the pump and on your light and power bill, California’s high energy prices are better understood as a self-inflicted wound, traceable to the state’s quixotic green energy policy.

The notoriously high cost of gas in the state is the result of a lot of factors — we tax gas to pay for road infrastructure and a less-polluting fuel mix in the summer months. Last year, Sacramento decided to move harder, faster toward its goal of a carbon-less future, adding disincentives for refineries and incentives for EVs that the California Air Resources Board has predicted will add 47 cents a gallon at the pump.

Overall, California’s zero-carbon climate policies — pushing EVs as your next car purchase and heat pumps to cool and heat your house — rely largely on electricity that in turn depends on expensive, and intermittent, energy sources, such as wind and solar. Come hell or high water, California’s leaders are trying to regulate, tax and incentivize their way to electricity that is 100% carbon-free by 2045.

Unfortunately, as green-skeptic energy analyst Robert Bryce notes in books and on his Substack, wherever governments have tried to base their energy supply on a swift shift to renewables — the UK, Germany, California — the result has been huge spikes in energy prices. Germany’s vaunted industrial economy has slowed in part, according to most observers, because of the high cost of renewable energy.

These costs also undermine California’s prosperity in multiple ways. They add to the state’s “energy poverty,” increasing an already extreme divide between haves and have nots, and not just because of how hard it is for low-income Californians to pay their gas and utility bills.

The Air Resources Board’s most recent “scoping plan”— the state framework for achieving carbon neutrality — projects that the shift to renewable energy will result in significant income declines for individuals earning less than $100,000 annually, while boosting incomes for those above this threshold.

“Carbon economy” jobs will dwindle — manufacturing, logistics, oil and gas industry — many of which are well-paying, union jobs. A study by the L.A. Economic Development Commission found that 148,000 direct and more than 350,000 indirect jobs could be threatened by policies aimed at eliminating the industry.

Worse, green technologies largely developed and embraced by Californians, such as EVs and their batteries, now mostly create jobs in red states. One reason expanding microchip firms, including Nvidia, Samsung and Taiwan Semiconductor, have located new facilities in Arizona or Texas and not in California is because of more favorable energy costs there than here. Electricity costs are a major factor in chip manufacturing.

California’s refusal to keep tapping our own fossil fuel energy resources means the state will not attract any of the massive investment aimed at, for instance, new liquid natural gas facilities.

 

And a renewables-only policy even threatens the green agenda it’s meant to support. The Air Resources Board calculates that to keep the state and its EVs running in a carbon-neutral future will require doubling electrical generation. And the need for more power will only be exacerbated by the growth of artificial intelligence, an industry critical to maintaining the state’s at-risk tech dominance. Overall, the demand for energy just for data centers is expected to grow by 160% by 2030, according to Goldman Sachs.

In fact, recent analyses say California will face “acute electricity shortages” over the coming decade. Not least among the reasons: a dragged-out, exorbitantly expensive and unpredictable permitting process; the difficulty in finding appropriate locales for wind turbines and solar farms; and, ironically, objections from locals and environmentalists who don’t want renewable facilities in their backyards. Case in point: Moss Landing, where a toxic fire in a battery plant, coupled with plans for offshore wind turbines, have turned locals against green policies.

To assure its economic viability, California needs to stop genuflecting to the fantastical notion that wind and solar will soon produce oodles of cheap, clean energy. The Trump administration is fast withdrawing federal support for renewables in favor of “drill, baby, drill.” In reality, short of an unexpected boom in controversial but emissions-free nuclear power, most experts project continued dominance of fossil fuels, even coal, well into the future and even in California. Last summer, Exxon Mobil’s forecast for 2050 saw the overall energy market dominated by oil (54%), with renewables reaching only 15%.

In such conditions, rather than killing the state’s fossil fuel industry, we should be using it to supply more of our needs from local drilling and refining, in addition to renewables. California, despite its substantial oil deposits, imports almost 60% of the crude oil it uses.

For all California’s green energy leadership, it’s not even a certainty that our energy absolutism does much for the planet. California since 2006 has reduced emissions at a rate about normal for all states.

Fortunately, energy realism may finally be back in fashion. Newsom’s Public Utility Commission last year decided to keep the Aliso Canyon natural gas storage facility online for now, explicitly in response to the need for gas to help bring down power bills that have been hijacked by the high cost of electricity. Newsom also granted the controversial Diablo Canyon nuclear plant a stay of execution despite environmental protests. He has even sought to keep oil refineries in the state from shutting down.

California can only prosper if it can develop affordable, reliable energy from all sources, including the state’s fossil fuel supplies. Without a change of direction, the trajectory is building toward a neo-feudal future — a state widely divided between the few rich and the many struggling.

_____

Joel Kotkin is a contributing writer to Opinion Voices, the presidential fellow for urban futures at Chapman University and senior research fellow at the Civitas Institute at the University of Texas, Austin.


©2025 Los Angeles Times. Visit at latimes.com. Distributed by Tribune Content Agency, LLC.

 

Comments

blog comments powered by Disqus

 

Related Channels

ACLU

ACLU

By The ACLU
Amy Goodman

Amy Goodman

By Amy Goodman
Armstrong Williams

Armstrong Williams

By Armstrong Williams
Austin Bay

Austin Bay

By Austin Bay
Ben Shapiro

Ben Shapiro

By Ben Shapiro
Betsy McCaughey

Betsy McCaughey

By Betsy McCaughey
Bill Press

Bill Press

By Bill Press
Bonnie Jean Feldkamp

Bonnie Jean Feldkamp

By Bonnie Jean Feldkamp
Cal Thomas

Cal Thomas

By Cal Thomas
Christine Flowers

Christine Flowers

By Christine Flowers
Clarence Page

Clarence Page

By Clarence Page
Danny Tyree

Danny Tyree

By Danny Tyree
David Harsanyi

David Harsanyi

By David Harsanyi
Debra Saunders

Debra Saunders

By Debra Saunders
Dennis Prager

Dennis Prager

By Dennis Prager
Dick Polman

Dick Polman

By Dick Polman
Erick Erickson

Erick Erickson

By Erick Erickson
Froma Harrop

Froma Harrop

By Froma Harrop
Jacob Sullum

Jacob Sullum

By Jacob Sullum
Jamie Stiehm

Jamie Stiehm

By Jamie Stiehm
Jeff Robbins

Jeff Robbins

By Jeff Robbins
Jessica Johnson

Jessica Johnson

By Jessica Johnson
Jim Hightower

Jim Hightower

By Jim Hightower
Joe Conason

Joe Conason

By Joe Conason
Joe Guzzardi

Joe Guzzardi

By Joe Guzzardi
John Micek

John Micek

By John Micek
John Stossel

John Stossel

By John Stossel
Josh Hammer

Josh Hammer

By Josh Hammer
Judge Andrew Napolitano

Judge Andrew Napolitano

By Judge Andrew P. Napolitano
Laura Hollis

Laura Hollis

By Laura Hollis
Marc Munroe Dion

Marc Munroe Dion

By Marc Munroe Dion
Michael Barone

Michael Barone

By Michael Barone
Michael Reagan

Michael Reagan

By Michael Reagan
Mona Charen

Mona Charen

By Mona Charen
Oliver North and David L. Goetsch

Oliver North and David L. Goetsch

By Oliver North and David L. Goetsch
R. Emmett Tyrrell

R. Emmett Tyrrell

By R. Emmett Tyrrell
Rachel Marsden

Rachel Marsden

By Rachel Marsden
Rich Lowry

Rich Lowry

By Rich Lowry
Robert B. Reich

Robert B. Reich

By Robert B. Reich
Ruben Navarrett Jr

Ruben Navarrett Jr

By Ruben Navarrett Jr.
Ruth Marcus

Ruth Marcus

By Ruth Marcus
S.E. Cupp

S.E. Cupp

By S.E. Cupp
Salena Zito

Salena Zito

By Salena Zito
Star Parker

Star Parker

By Star Parker
Stephen Moore

Stephen Moore

By Stephen Moore
Susan Estrich

Susan Estrich

By Susan Estrich
Ted Rall

Ted Rall

By Ted Rall
Terence P. Jeffrey

Terence P. Jeffrey

By Terence P. Jeffrey
Tim Graham

Tim Graham

By Tim Graham
Tom Purcell

Tom Purcell

By Tom Purcell
Veronique de Rugy

Veronique de Rugy

By Veronique de Rugy
Victor Joecks

Victor Joecks

By Victor Joecks
Wayne Allyn Root

Wayne Allyn Root

By Wayne Allyn Root

Comics

Mike Beckom Bill Bramhall Chip Bok Lee Judge Bill Day Tim Campbell